“Flawed Consumers”: Poverty, Commodity Culture and the Representation of Labor in Today’s Global Economy


Recently, I read Zygmunt Bauman’s Work, Consumerism and the New Poor, a book that examines the meaning of poverty and being poor in a post-industrialized world. Mainly focusing on Britain and the United States, Bauman’s book explains how the shift from production at the time of industrialization to consumption has changed the way people understand, define and essentially deal with poverty today. Bauman’s book is especially useful as it provides a framework for assessing and understanding the relationship between poverty and consumerism, as well as identifying how a new understanding of labor can lead to changes in current ineffectual policies and practices dealing with issues of poverty.

According to Bauman, “If ‘being poor’ once derived its meaning from the condition of being unemployable, today it draws its meaning primarily from the condition of being a flawed consumer” (1).

Through British and American industrialization factory owners and capitalists depended on a vast number of laborers to produce goods and drive industrial manufacture. Labor was a valuable commodity and capitalists sought to instill in the poor a sense of duty and pride in their work in order to better ensure worker productivity and to maintain a large workforce. Today, however, the labor market (especially in the U.S.) reflects the short-term desires of a consumer society. Shifting from production to consumption, economic growth is seen “as dependent not so much on the ‘productive strength of the nation’ as on the zest and vigor of its consumers” (Bauman 27). As a result, capitalists now consider labor a less valuable commodity and more of a liability to company productivity and profitability (Bauman 53). Cutting wages, laying off employees and dissolving benefits all become increasingly desirable practices for company owners and managers as emphasis shifts to meet the demands of a consumer economy. Consequently, such practices not only weaken consumer spending power which drives economic growth and ensures fiscal stability, but also changes the way in which we understand, define and deal with poverty today.

As demand for labor decreases and consumption increases, poverty assumes the definition of flawed consumption. For Bauman many conditions inform this understanding of poverty but for my purposes here, I will just focus on three conditions: first, a belief in the moral value of work as a means for determining income entitlement; second, the increased emphasis on consumption to drive economic growth; and third, the understanding of identity as a self-construction in relation to the identification and representation of the poor in society.

The Work Ethic. No longer considered unemployable labor, the poor are instead seen as individuals who lack the motivation to work and grow the economy through the consumption of goods and services. Income entitlement is determined by the strength of an individual’s work ethic and thus determines the individual’s eligibility to gain access to the resources that would sustain his or her quality of life. As Bauman explains, “with labor turning fast into an obstacle to higher productivity […], the work ethic becomes an effective means to wash clean all the hands and consciences inside the accepted boundaries of society of the guilt of abandoning a large number of their fellow citizens to permanent redundancy” (77). What often results is not only a “moral condemnation of the poor” but also an increased criminalization of the poor (see Barbara Ehrenreich’s recently published article “Since When is it a Crime to be Poor?” in Mother Jones Magazine for up to date insights on the criminalization of the poor in America).

Emphasis on Consumption. “Consumerism puts the highest premium on choice [and] poverty forces one into a position in which no choices can be made” (Bauman 58). Emphasis on consumption not only attaches a stigma to programs and services for the poor (such as food stamps, low-income housing and welfare programs, etc.) since these services are not considered consumer choices, but also considers these provisions more of a waste of tax payer money and resources. Instead, that money is siphoned off to corporate and individual consumers with the idea that the money will be better spent and reabsorbed into the economy through consumption.

Identity as Self-construction. Emphasis on consumption and the devaluation of labor as a commodity in a consumerist society changes the way people think about identity formation and representation. As more people rely on consumption to mediate their identity and as fewer people identify through work performance and career development—since long-term employment is no longer desirable—identity is understood and represented more in terms of self-construction and consumption. What does this mean for the poor? Well, it means being effectively excluded from representation. As identity becomes more an issue of individual choice, absent of the economic and environmental factors which shape it, the poor are cast as economically and politically invisible and powerless.

Given these changes to the way we think about labor and what it means to be poor today, how do we begin to address issues of  poverty, unemployment and labor?

Well, Bauman suggests one plan of action. Citing the work of Claus Offe, he recommends decoupling the idea of work and actual income-earning capacity from a current understanding of work as wage labor (118). With Bauman’s proposal, redefining labor as a commodity to include other types of work currently undervalued or unrecognized in today’s labor market (such as unpaid domestic labor or underpaid migrant labor) would broaden an understanding of labor and lead to greater economic visibility for a previously unrecognized and invisible workforce. In this way, income entitlement would no longer be dictated by a person’s actual income-earning capacity.

Poverty is not just an economic condition, it’s also a “a social and psychological condition: as the propriety of human existence is measured by the standards of decent life practiced by any given society, inability to abide by such standards is itself a cause of distress, agony and self-mortification” (Bauman 37). Poverty means not just being a “flawed consumer” but also being “excluded from whatever passes for a ‘normal life’” (ibid). As more and more people are put out of work, asked to work fewer hours, asked to take a lower wage or a reduced benefits package, as the middle class shrinks and the numbers of the poor grow, the need to redefine what it means to be poor, to be a worker and a consumer becomes ever more important. Consumerism, global commerce and poverty are just a few of the practices and conditions that have redefined the way we think and identify as human beings today. Shouldn’t we ensure that what redefines us does not also dehumanize and disempower us, too?

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Hershey: Raise the Bar Campaign



Months ago, I came across a Hershey’s “brand jamming” contest that asked for slogans, video and print ads advertising what the candy company did not want to market alongside its product: the image of child labor exploitation. The winning video ad, Aaron Thurman’s “Behind the Hershey Smiles,” though did just this by juxtaposing images from an existing Hershey’s commercial with photographs of child laborers harvesting cocoa beans for Hershey.

Like other examples of counter-advertising, a practice that co-opts the tools and strategies companies typically use to promote products and services in order to communicate new and often oppositional ad messages, Thurman’s ad draws attention to the way advertising practices create and authorize product narratives that fail to give an accurate account of product manufacturing processes or practices. The original Hershey’s ad that Thurman’s ad parodies features an assembly line of Hershey’s kisses, animate with human life, getting dressed, primped and paraded down a red carpet just before being projectile-launched into a candy bowl and eaten by a happy mother and son duo. The ad’s focus is on the Hershey’s kiss as a means of strengthening the familial bond between a parent and their child and, conveniently, does not address Hershey’s contradictory practice of using child labor to harvest cocoa for its kisses.

Thurman’s ad not only draws attention to the company’s continued reliance on child labor to manufacture its chocolate products (even after Hershey had pledged to end such practices a decade earlier), but also demonstrates how advertising and consumerism inform our understanding, perception and valuation of human labor.

According to Jean Kilbourne, “Advertising often sells a great deal more than products. It sells values [and] images” that in turn influence the way we think about “who we are and who we should be” (Deadly Persuasions 74). In a society that relies on consumerism and the commodification of its labor force to ensure quality of life, it is far too easy to mask exploitative labor practices through commercial advertising and branding. Even the act of advocating for reform through consumption (e.g. use Fair Trade certified cocoa or we, the consumers, will not purchase your product) nevertheless privileges the very same practices that fail to represent and give an accurate account of the work laborers really do perform. Instead, individual consumers are asked to take political action through consumption—an act that, Kilbourne says, is one of “individual responsibility” rather than of “public policy” which essentially limits the chances for more broad-based reforms to occur (297).

Still, campaigns like the Hershey’s brand jamming contest and other counter-adverting practices do provide an opportunity for activists and human rights advocates to bring attention to existent problems in manufacturing practices that would not otherwise be made public.

If you do want to sign the petition to encourage Hershey to use Fair Trade certified cocoa, you can do that here.

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Welcome


Back in the fall of 2009, during my first semester as a graduate student at SFSU, I took a class entitled “19th-century Mystery.” Taught by Dr. Hackenberg, the class examined the origins of the mystery genre, its key authors, themes and issues. I absolutely loved the class and the reading list, which included Edgar Allan Poe’s three tales of ratiocination, Sir Arthur Conan Doyle’s adventures of Sherlock Holmes, George Thompson’s Venus in Boston, Eugene Sue’s Les Mystéres de Paris, George W. M. Reynolds’ Mysteries of London, E.D.E.N. Southworth’s The Hidden Hand, Charles Dickens’ Our Mutual Friend, among others. While it may seem strange or even extraordinary, it was in this very class that my interest in labor, economy, narrative and identity really began.

Since the class I have devoted my academic studies to better understanding labor—its value and representation—in a culture that relies on commodity consumption and spectacular display to mediate identity and social relationships between people. Spectacular Labor is a new development in my research. Inspired by another class I took with Dr. Hackenberg and as a kind of extension to my M.A. thesis, Spectacular Labor is a public space where I can organize, share and engage others in a discussion on labor, identity and representation within the context of capitalism and commodity culture.

As Guy Debord says, “commodities are now all that there is to see, [and] the world we see is the world of the commodity” (Society of the Spectacle 29). If Debord is right, then how does the representation of labor-as-commodity and labor-as-spectacle inform our understanding of labor? If social relations are mediated through images, as Debord argues in Society of the Spectacle, then is there a way to use this system of representation as a means to empower marginalized groups of laborers that continue to remain largely invisible and disempowered today (e.g. migrant farm workers, domestic workers, child laborers, etc.)?

Stay tuned, folks! There’s more to come.

—Sabrina

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